Roman-period column with inscribed base found during renovation of the Great Mosque of al-Nuri in Homs, Syria. Courtesy Maamoun Saleh Abdulkarim.

Archaeology at Emesa (modern Homs, Syria) does not give a single dramatic moment of religious revolution. Instead, it offers something more historically valuable: layers. Coins, tombs, mosaics, and reused sacred spaces—including recently uncovered inscriptions on column bases—reveal the slow transformation of a powerful pagan city into a Christian and then Muslim one. For Bible readers, the site allows a glimpse into the long arc of Christianity’s development within the Roman world.

The earliest well-attested stratum at Emesa shows the dominance of pagan culture. A mosaic of Hercules reveals the city’s syncretistic religious culture, where local Syrian worship blended with broader Greco-Roman traditions. A richly furnished mausoleum—yielding a gold funerary mask and other elite grave goods—points to a powerful ruling priestly family, one of whose members, Elagabalus, would later become the Roman emperor.

Roman-period coins depict the grand Temple of the Sun housing the sacred black stone embodying the Emesan sun god Elagabal (later linked to Emperor Elagabalus), while column-base inscriptions praise divine cosmic power and royal authority linked to this deity. These Greek inscriptions, uncovered during restoration of the Great Mosque of al-Nuri, survived centuries of redevelopment. Professor Maamoun Abdulkarim of the University of Sharjah (UAE), who published the finds, explained in personal correspondence: “In my view, the Temple of the Sun should not be understood as a lost structure, but as a dynamic sacred space that was religiously redefined across successive periods.”

Roman coin minted in Homs depicting a sacred stone inside the Temple of the Sun. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The strong pagan character of Emesa began changing in the third century CE. Burial practices shifted. Catacombs in the al-Shorfa area contain corridors, niches, lamps, and symbolic decoration associated with early Byzantine Christianity. Grave inscriptions emphasize themes resonant with Christian theology, like resurrection and eternal life. The evidence from Emesa is not explosive or revolutionary, but subtle. Christianity first appeared at the margins—in burial customs, naming patterns, and small communal spaces.

This layered material record mirrors what unfolds in the Acts of the Apostles. Acts describes Christianity beginning as a small, socially vulnerable movement operating within cities dominated by temples and civic cults. Paganism coexists alongside emerging Christian practices, gradually giving way to transformation.

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Geography reinforces this textual connection. Emesa lay a little more than 100 miles from Antioch, the early Christian hub where disciples were first called “Christians” (Acts 11:26). Situated on trade routes linking Antioch and Damascus, Emesa was well within the communication network of Roman Syria. Antioch served as a launching point for missionary activity. For example, Saul (Paul) departed from there on his first journey. Cities like Emesa would have made natural destinations of early Christian missions.

The archaeological silence of monumental churches at third-century Emesa suggests that Christianity had not yet reshaped public space. This was a time when Christians faced persecution under emperors like Decius, Valerian, and later Diocletian. Public Christian expression was risky and often suppressed. The decisive transformation of Emesa likely came in the fourth or fifth century. After legalization under Constantine the Great and later imperial decrees under Theodosius I, many pagan temples were repurposed for Christian worship in that time.

The Book of Acts ends with Paul preaching in Rome, leaving the future unwritten. In a sense, Emesa shows what that future looked like on the ground. Christianity did not immediately erase paganism; it infiltrated, adapted, endured persecution, and over time took root.

Lauren K. McCormick is an assistant editor at Biblical Archaeology Review and a specialist in ancient Near Eastern religions, visual culture, and the Bible. She holds degrees in religion from Syracuse University, Duke University, New York University, and Rutgers University, and completed a postdoctoral fellowship on religion and the public conversation at Princeton University.

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A modern depiction of St. Phoebe, a leader in the early Christian movement who was one of Paul’s most trusted patrons and emissaries. In his letter to the Romans, Paul refers to Phoebe by the Greek term diakonos, which most Bible’s translate as “deacon.” However, this term, at least during the first century C.E, most probably referred to a “minister” or leader of a congregation.
Credit: Larry Kamphausen; used under CC-BY-SA-4.0.

Who was Phoebe? That’s a good question!

This first-century C.E. leader of the early Christian community makes a cameo appearance in Romans 16:1–2. Paul graciously introduces her to fellow believers in Rome. Paul’s words establish Phoebe’s high standing in Cenchrea, her home city located near Corinth, and with him. They assure a ready welcome among like-minded followers of Jesus. Warm, personalized greetings to more than two dozen men and women follow, ending his epistle.

A study of Romans 16:1–2 reveals an amazing woman, one Paul treats as a fellow minister, one he forthrightly, and with humor, acknowledges as having money.

Paul describes Phoebe via three accolades, nouns translated in the King James Version (KJV) as “sister,” “servant,” and “succorer.” The New International Version (NIV) changes the last two to “deacon” and “benefactor.”

However, Phoebe seems under-recognized today as a full minister. Paul’s introduction equates her with other leaders in the early movement, men who traveled, evangelized and planted, and led churches. But translations indicate a gender bias and diminish this woman’s influence.

First, the KJV: “I commend to you Phebe, our sister, which is a servant of the church which is at Cenchrea: That ye receive her in the Lord, as becometh saints, and that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you: for she hath been a succorer of many, and of myself also.”

Now, the more contemporary NIV: “I commend to you our sister Phoebe, a deacon of the church in Cenchreae. I ask you to receive her in the Lord in a way worthy of his people and to give her any help she may need from you, for she has been the benefactor of many people, including me.”

Paul’s appositives show Phoebe probably led the Cenchrean congregation that probably met in her home (Finger 1988:5). She served as a minister like Paul (Ephesians 3:7), Tychicus (Ephesians 6:21), Epaphras (Colossians 1:7), and Timothy (1 Timothy 4:6). She freely gave of her wealth to finance and spread the new faith.

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Some Background

Cenchrea, a port five miles east of Corinth, faces the eastern Mediterranean; perhaps Phoebe’s business involved trade with Asia. Corinth, site of another early church, faces west to the Ionian Sea and Rome. Perhaps Phoebe’s Roman trip involved plans for westward expansion.

In typical fashion, the Bible shares nothing of Phoebe’s age, ethnicity, or marital status; it omits how she became a believer and how she made her money. Instead, another (in this case Paul) describes her. Like Tabitha in Acts 9:36–43, Phoebe remains silent. Others praise them.

Her Saint’s Day is September 3. Art throughout the ages depicts Phoebe, robed in red or purple, as a woman of peaceful face, direct gaze, and graceful hands.

The First Accolade: Adelphe—sister

Endearingly calling her “our sister,” Paul claims Phoebe as family. Church Father John Chrysostom (347–407 C.E.), Bishop of Constantinople, observed that honoring Phoebe thusly was “no slight thing” (Branch 2019:4).

In some New Testament translations, Paul similarly names only Apphia (Philemon 2) as “sister.” Paul calls Timothy (1 Thessalonians 3:2), Epaphroditus (Philipppians 2:25), and Philemon (Philemon 7, 20) “brother.”

The Second Accolade: Diakonos—servant, deacon, minister

Diakonos  is translated “deacon” by the NIV and carries the textual note, “servant.” The NRSV (New Revised Standard Version) similarly uses “deacon” but gives an alternative, “minister.”

However, deacon, as it evolved and is now recognized, became part of ecclesiastical governance only in the fourth century (Jankiewicz 2013:11).

Jewish insights aid in understanding diakonos in Phoebe’s day. The Complete Jewish Bible calls Phoebe “the shammash of the congregation at Cenchreae.” A shammash directs and leads public worship.

Since diakonos also designates Jesus and Paul but calls them “ministers” (Romans 15:8, 16 KJV), it seems odd that when associated with Phoebe, it becomes “servant” and “deacon.”

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A proper reading indicates Phoebe was a minister to the whole church at Cenchrea and not one who served in an office limited only to women (Schussler Fiorenza 1986:425).

The term also refers to a letter-carrier (Wilder 2013:44, 46). If Phoebe carried the letter in her luggage or on her person to Rome, she probably delivered it to the house churches in Rome.

To insure against transit loss, she probably memorized it. During her delivery, Phoebe could step aside, explain its thorny parts, answer questions, and then resume recitation (Chapple 2011:212–213).

If she understood Paul’s thinking, she likely participated in the letter’s formation. Perhaps Tertius, the one penning the epistle (Romans 16:22), was her paid scribe. No doubt Phoebe updated the Roman believers on news from the Corinth and Cenchrea congregations.

The Third Accolade: Prostatis—patron, benefactor, helper, succorer of many

Developing the idea of shammash, leader/minister, Paul adds prostatis, a word targeting Phoebe’s wealth and the Roman custom of patronage. As a leader/patron, she probably used her wealth to further the Gospel (Miller 2011:17–18). In its verbal form, prostatis can mean to care for, give aid to, and preside over (Moo 1996:915).

Since prostatis appears only in Romans 16:2, it is called a hapax legomenon.

The Septuagint (the third-century B.C.E. Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible), however, uses prostatis several times and always in the context of leadership, responsibility, and finances. Consider these examples:

• Jaziz, a man over flocks (1 Chronicles 27:31)
• Assorted rulers who gave freewill offerings (1 Chronicles 29:6)
• Solomon’s various officers (2 Chronicles 8:10)
• The high priest’s officer (2 Chronicles 24:11).

No doubt Paul’s Roman audience knew the word’s force.

As applied to Phoebe, prostatis carries the ideas of protecting the weak, shielding people from suffering, and “fighting the battles of the oppressed” (Deen 1955:231).

The nuance, “helper,” may have started around the ninth century. By then, ecclesiastical authority was male-centered and recognizing a woman as a leader may have been difficult.

Paul presents Phoebe as a patron, wealthy and respected, who uses her influence to help him and other Christians (Gaventa 1992:320). Quite possibly, Phoebe had agreed to finance Paul’s dream of going to Spain and evangelizing the outer realms of the Roman Empire (Romans 15:24, 28).

Paul’s Silence on Phoebe’s Church

Paul’s silence about the affairs of the church at Cenchrea also reinforces his esteem for Phoebe. For instance, there is no Pauline letter to the church at Cenchrea, although the nearby Corinthian congregation received two. There is no evidence that lawsuits, immoral sexual practices, or disorderly worship happened in Cenchrea; see 1 Corinthians 6:1–11; 6:12–20; 14:1–25. Phoebe received no pastoral letter of advice, although Paul mentored Timothy and Titus in new pastorates and wrote them. Romans 16:1–2 indicates Paul considered Phoebe a colleague.

Conclusion

Phoebe and Paul served as mutual ambassadors and reciprocal patrons. Paul introduced her as a woman of high standing, setting the stage for her to have a successful visit. He asked Roman believers to aid her in her visit, perhaps in a business way.

Phoebe, likewise, acted as Paul’s emissary, his representative to churches he did not found but eagerly sought to visit (Romans 1:10). Phoebe introduced Paul to the Romans via his letter. She conveyed current news and individual greetings, thereby setting the stage for what Paul hoped to be his successful visit to Rome.

As a first-century woman, Phoebe breaks the mold. She leads the Cenchrean congregation, has money, and generously shares it. Paul knew the church at Cenchrea was in good hands. As spiritual brother and sister, they co-labored in the Gospel.

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Paul’s open praise freed Phoebe from the necessity of many self-introductions. He commended her character, leadership, and accomplishments. He acknowledged her wealth, hospitality, and generosity. He seemed to chuckle publicly as he included himself as one benefitting from her patronage.

So who was Phoebe?

The apostle Paul recognized Phoebe endearingly as his sister in the Lord. He commended her as a minister of sound doctrine; an acknowledged minister/leader who oversaw a church with few apparent problems; a skilled businesswoman; and a generous, caring friend and patron. No doubt she had a delightful visit.

Bibliography

Robin Gallaher Branch, “Female Leadership as Demonstrated by Phoebe,” In die Skriflig 53.2 (2019), a 2443.

Allan Chapple, “Getting Romans to the Right Romans: Phoebe and the Delivery of Paul’s letter,” Tyndale Bulletin 62.2 (2011), pp. 195–214.

Edith Deen, All the Women of the Bible (New York: Harper & Row, 1955).

Reta Halteman Finger, “Phoebe: Role Model for Leaders,” Daughters of Zion 14.2 (1988), pp. 5–7.

Beverly Roberts Gaventa, “Romans,” in C.A. Newsome & S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women’s Bible Commentary (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1992), pp. 313–320.

Darius Jankiewicz, “Phoebe: Was She an Early Church Leader?” Ministry: International Journal of Pastors 85.4 (2013), pp. 10–13.

David Miller, “What Can We Say about Phoebe?” Priscilla Papers 25.2 (2011), pp. 16–21.

Douglas Moo, The Epistle to the Romans(Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1966).

Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, “Missionaries, Apostles, Co-workers: Romans 16 and the Reconstruction of Women’s Early Christian History.” Word & World 6.4 (1986), pp. 420–433.

Terry L. Wilder, “Phoebe, the Letter-Carrier of Romans, and the Impact of her Role on Biblical Theology.” Southwestern Journal of Theology 56.1 (2013), pp. 43–51.

Dr. Robin Gallaher Branch serves as an adjunct professor at Christian Brothers University in Memphis, Tennessee, and in a research capacity at North-West University in Potchefstroom, South Africa, where she did her Fulbright Fellowship in 2002–2003. She is the author of numerous academic articles and two books, Six Biblical Plays for Contemporary Audiences (Cascade, 2016) and Jeroboam’s Wife: The Enduring Contributions of the Old Testament’s Least-Known Women (Wipf & Stock, 2018).

A version of this post first appeared in Bible History Daily in 2021.

More by Dr. Robin Gallaher Branch about Women in the Bible

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“The Spill of Paul” by Italian painter Parmigianino. Having just seen a vision of a light from heaven, the bewildered Paul falls from his horse and onto the ground.
Credit: Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Bilddatenbank {{PD-US-expired}}

It is arguable that other than Jesus himself, no one has been more influential on the development of Christianity than the apostle Paul. One can even make a case that Paul’s writings made a greater impact on the rise and spread of Christianity than the teachings of Jesus. In the Acts of the Apostles, Paul’s story begins under a different name—Saul of Tarsus (Acts 8–9). When, exactly, did Saul become Paul? Did the prolific missionary and Apostle to the Gentiles change his entire identity from Saul to Paul?

In terms of names, there probably was no conversion of Saul to Paul. Saul was most likely called Paul at birth. Contrary to popular belief, Saul did not drop his Jewish name to fully embrace his new life and vocation as a Christian missionary to the Gentiles. We often have this misconception of Saul of Tarsus becoming the apostle Paul on the road to Damascus, which goes along with the other common misconception that Saul “converted” from Judaism to Christianity. Thus, the Jewish Saul becomes the Christian Paul. This idea was very appealing to medieval Christians but has no basis in either the Bible or the realities of the first century.

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As a Roman citizen, Saul would have had multiple names: a praenomen, nomen, and cognomen (or personal name, family name, and personal nickname, respectively), e.g., Gaius Julius Caesar. Evidence that Rome’s Jewish citizens used Roman naming conventions can be found in places all over the empire, such as the catacombs beneath Rome herself. In many cases, the individual’s cognomen is a Latinized version of their Semitic name (e.g., Lucius Domitius Abbas and Lucia Maecia Sabbitis). At times, the nomen was that of the individual’s father, while others used just the praenomen and nomen, employing a Latin praenomen and Greek nomen. Neither the author of Acts nor Paul himself gives any clue as to his family name or the name of his father. All that we know is that he was a descendent of the tribe of Benjamin. It’s possible that Paul’s full name was something like Paulus Beniamin Saulos.

From what we know of Paul in the Book of Acts and the short biographical sections of his letters, he was very zealous when it came to his religious and cultural identity. Like many of his peers, Paul likely believed the end of the age was nigh and that God would send the promised messiah to right all wrongs and reestablish the Kingdom of Israel. This called for the Jewish people to reach a new level of religious purity to signal that they were ready to inherit God’s promises from centuries past. As a zealous Pharisee learning at the heels of the great rabbis in Jerusalem, the young Paul would have likely fully embraced his Hebrew cognomen and rarely used his Roman praenomen among his fellow Jews.

Some 15 years or so after Saul of Tarsus became a follower in the Jesus movement, after having been a prominent member of the church in Antioch for some time, he and Barnabas were sent out on a missionary journey. While on Cyprus, the two have dealings with a Roman proconsul named Sergius Paulus and it is only then that the author of Acts decides to let his readers know that Saul was also called Paulus (Acts 13:9). What a coincidence! And from then on the author, and seemingly also Paul, refers to the apostle by his Roman name.

Again, we can only speculate about the sudden change in preference. It could very well have nothing to do with ideas of cultural or religious identity. In the Greek world, the word saulos carried a negative connotation when it came to males and meant something like “prancing.” It seems likely that someone in Antioch gave Saul some valuable advice before he went out among the peoples of the Roman world. Calling oneself “Prancer” when standing before the likes of philosophers and Roman governors would probably not generate a great first impression.

For more common myths about the apostle Paul, see “Five Myths About the Apostle Paul” by David Christian Clausen published in the Summer 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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The post When Did Saul Become Paul? appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

Paul and the Slave Girl. This oil painting shows the apostle Paul casting the “spirit of python” from the slave girl, whom he encounters in Philippi. Based on the episode from Acts 16 in the Bible, the painting dates to c. 1860 and appears outside the Basilica of St. Paul in Rome. Photo: Richard Stracke/CC by-NC-SA 3.0.

According to Greek mythology, the god Apollo killed the massive snake Python at Delphi, Greece. Some traditions claim Python to be the child of the goddess Gaea (Earth), who had a sanctuary at Delphi. Following Apollo’s victory, a temple dedicated to him was set up at the site, which replaced Gaea’s earlier sanctuary and appropriated her oracle. For more than a millennium, people sought the prophecies of Apollo’s famous oracle at Delphi: Pythia, a priestess at the temple, who was said to have the spirit of the god.

Some may be surprised that a passage in the Bible has a connection to Python from Greek mythology. In Acts 16:16–24, the apostle Paul meets a slave girl with a “spirit of python,” who is able to tell the future. John Byron examines this passage in his Biblical Views column “Paul, the Python Girl, and Human Trafficking,” published in the May/June 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

The scene of Paul and the slave girl from Acts 16 is set in Philippi. Paul encounters the unnamed slave girl and eventually exorcises the “spirit of python” from her. This action, which deprives her of her fortune-telling ability, angers her owners and lands Paul and his companion Silas in prison. The full episode reads:

One day, as we were going to the place of prayer, we met a slave-girl who had a spirit of divination and brought her owners a great deal of money by fortune-telling. While she followed Paul and us, she would cry out, “These men are slaves of the Most High God, who proclaim to you a way of salvation.” She kept doing this for many days. But Paul, very much annoyed, turned and said to the spirit, “I order you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her.” And it came out that very hour. But when her owners saw that their hope of making money was gone, they seized Paul and Silas and dragged them into the marketplace before the authorities. When they had brought them before the magistrates, they said, “These men are disturbing our city; they are Jews and are advocating customs that are not lawful for us as Romans to adopt or observe.” The crowd joined in attacking them, and the magistrates had them stripped of their clothing and ordered them to be beaten with rods. After they had given them a severe flogging, they threw them into prison and ordered the jailer to keep them securely. Following these instructions, he put them in the innermost cell and fastened their feet in the stocks. (Acts 16:16–24, NRSV)

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Byron clarifies that although many English translations, including the NRSV quoted above, say that the slave girl had a “spirit of divination,” the original Greek says she had a “spirit of python.” This connects her fortune-telling ability to Python from Greek mythology and the oracle at Delphi.

Philippi. Located in eastern Greece, the city of Philippi was the setting of the meeting of Paul and the slave girl, possessed with a “spirit of python,” in the Bible. Photo: Marsyas/CC by-SA 3.0.

Acts 16:16–24 is full of violence and exploitation. Byron notes that the slave girl in the story is not named; rather, she is known by her ability to tell the future:

We are never told the slave-girl’s name, only that she has a gift for fortune-telling. But this is not unusual, since enslaved human beings often lose the dignity of their name. In antiquity slaves were identified by their servile name and their inability to record their family name or tribe. Without a name to identify this girl, it’s possible she was better known by her unusual gift. Some may have called her “python-girl,” since what was important to clients was not her name, but the unusual gift attributed to a “spirit of python.”

Her owners exploit her fortune-telling ability. After Paul casts the “spirit of python” out of her, we are told that she loses this ability. However, beyond that—and her owners’ anger over this loss—we don’t know what happens to her. Byron points out that her owners may have begun exploiting her in another way.

Apollo Temple. According to Greek mythology, Apollo killed the massive snake Python at Delphi. The temple for Apollo, set up at Delphi, housed an oracle possessed with the spirit of the god and able to see the future. In the Bible, the apostle Paul encounters a slave girl who is also able to see the future; she is said to be possessed with a “spirit of python.” Photo: Bernard Gagnon/CC by-SA 4.0.

Byron draws parallels between the story of the python-girl and those trapped in modern-day slavery:

The slave-girl’s situation is not all that different from those trapped in the modern slave trade, exploited by what they have, quite often their bodies. No name, no personal identity, no dignity. Like the python-girl in Philippi, they are viewed as less than people: commodities to be bought, sold, and traded.

The troubling elements in this passage can serve as a caution today. Byron concludes that although we don’t know what happened to the python-girl, her story can motivate us to help others who are still being exploited. To further explore the biblical episode of Paul and the slave girl from Philippi, see John Byron’s Biblical Views column “Paul, the Python Girl, and Human Trafficking,” published in the May/June 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Subscribers: Read the full Biblical Views column “Paul, the Python Girl, and Human Trafficking” by John Byron in the May/June 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article was first published in Bible History Daily May 2019.

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Statue of the Ephesian Artemis. Artisans in Ephesus produced miniature versions of these statues to be sold as religious keepsakes and souvenirs. Photo by John Drummond.

According to Acts 19, there was once a riot in the ancient city of Ephesus instigated by a silversmith named Demetrius. At some point, this particular silversmith saw a dramatic drop in sales and felt his future livelihood to be severely threatened. According to the text, Demetrius produced silver shrines of Artemis and blamed Christians—and their theological views—for people not wanting to buy his wares. He gathered a group of likeminded craftsmen who were equally put out by the growing influence of this new religion and they stirred the city into a frenzy. They claimed that the presence of the apostle Paul and his ilk would destroy Artemis’s reputation and that of her temple in Ephesus, which was considered one of the Seven Wonders of the World.

Archaeology can help us better understand why Demetrius and his fellow craftsmen were so worried about this new religious cult. Much like today, there was a very profitable souvenir business in ancient times, particularly during the Roman period, when travel was relatively safe and many people went on journeys to visit far off places. Many of these journeys were religious in nature, and just as the Jews of the Diaspora made pilgrimages to visit the Jerusalem Temple, adherents to traditional Roman religion also made journeys to visit the great temples of their gods. Be it Zeus of Olympia, Athena of Athens, or Artemis of Ephesus, these pilgrims often purchased keepsakes to commemorate their visit or mementos for loved ones who could not make the journey with them. These keepsakes could take many forms, be it glass ornaments with cityscapes or miniature representations of altars or statues within the great temples.

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Four-inch-tall bronze miniature of the Tyche of Antioch from the first century CE. Public Domain.

The Tyche of Antioch, a particularly famous statue of the goddess of Fortune in ancient times created to commemorate the founding of Syrian Antioch in 300 BCE, was recreated in the form of various types of souvenirs, including miniature bronze replicas (see right) and glass perfume bottles. In Athens, a visitor could buy commemorative plaques and lamps with images of the Athena Parthenos or even ceramic replicas of the goddess’s shield. Ephesus was known to have a thriving souvenir trade.

The Ephesian Artemis, a unique depiction of an age-old Near Eastern goddess (see first image above), was often reproduced in miniature. Gold and silversmiths produced statuettes that could weigh between 3 and 7 pounds. Miniature shrines like the ones Demetrius is said to have made were mostly terra cotta. A silver shrine would have been much more prestigious and expensive, meaning Demetrius probably made a pretty good living when business was good. The costly nature of his materials meant that Demetrius needed a steady flow of well-off tourists and pilgrims to visit Ephesus and its famous temple to turn a profit. A threat to the worship of the goddess and the prestige of her temple was a threat to his livelihood.

The new Christian cult and their monotheistic beliefs were indeed a threat to the religious souvenir trade, at least in Demetrius’s day. It wouldn’t be long before Christianity’s own pilgrimage sites spawned an extensive souvenir enterprise that continues to this very day.

For more about ancient souvenirs and keepsakes, see “Precious Memories: Souvenirs of the Roman Empire” by Maggie L. Popkin in the Summer 2024 Issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

BAS Library Members: Read the full article “Precious Memories: Souvenirs of the Roman Empire” by Maggie L. Popkin in the Summer 2024 Issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article was first published in Bible History Daily on July 31, 2024.

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Excavations at the Venizelou Metro station in Thessaloniki, which revealed the intersection of the ancient city’s two main thoroughfares, the cardo and the decumanus. Photo courtesy Mark Wilson.

Visitors to the archaeologically rich city of Thessaloniki, Greece, have a new archaeological treat in store for them. With the opening of the city’s Metro line in December 2024, the excavations conducted during its construction can now be seen by the public. This opening was delayed more than a decade for one reason—archaeology. Bible History Daily even featured one of the discoveries—a golden olive wreath—back in 2013.

During the excavations, the project’s lead archaeologist, Polyxeni Adam-Veleni, has often lectured about the ongoing discoveries. She especially notes four Metro stations—Venizelou, Sintrivani, Agias Sofias, and Dimokratias—with archaeological remains. During one of my recent visits to Thessaloniki while leading a tour group, I decided to explore each station’s archaeology. Here’s what I found.

Map of the Thessaloniki Metro system, including the four stations where archaeological remains were uncovered and preserved for visitors. Image courtesy Mark Wilson.

Since the Venizelou station was closest to my hotel, I walked there first. The Metro line was built below the current Egnatia Street that runs east to west through the city. It is little wonder then that a large section of the ancient decumanus maximus is featured at this open-air museum accessed via glass walkways. Although dating from the Byzantine period, the pavement runs atop an earlier street from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Here, it connected with the north-south cardo maximus, the street that brought pedestrians near the agora to the north (Acts 17:5–9). At this main intersection (see image above), archaeologists found the remains of public buildings, both commercial and recreational, dating to the city’s founding by the Macedonian king Cassander in 316/15 BCE.

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Here, as in the other stations, panels in Greek and English provide information about the excavations. QR codes allow visitors to access additional descriptions. Videos shown on large-screen televisions likewise document each excavation and feature some of the key discoveries there. The Metro museum at Venizelou is free to visitors, so the next day I brought my group to see the excavations. Afterwards, we hiked to the agora and Saint Demetrios Church, making for a walkable tour in this part of the city.

A selection of decorated ossuaries discovered at the city’s ancient necropolis and now on display in Sintrivani Metro station. Photo courtesy Mark Wilson.

The Metro lies beneath the level of the decumanus, so I descended the escalator and bought a ticket for 60 cents euro. This allowed me to travel for 70 minutes. I first rode to the Sintrivani station just outside the eastern city walls. There, a necropolis was excavated that dated from the fourth century BCE and continued in use into the Christian period. Since cemeteries were typically constructed along main roads outside a city, such a discovery was predictable. Glass cases in the station display several decorated ossuaries found in the eastern necropolis.

Pottery and stratigraphy display from Agias Sofias station. Photo courtesy Mark Wilson.

Scanning my Metro ticket again, I descended the escalator to travel to the Agias Sofias station in the heart of the city. There, part of the Hellenistic city with its Hippodamian grid plan was discovered. Also, another section of the decumanus was exposed. A glassed wall display features pottery from each stratigraphic level from the Hellenistic to modern periods. The different levels showing the archaeological trench that was excavated here are also printed on the wall along the staircase exiting the station.

Byzantine-era colonnaded plaza and nymphaeum excavated outside Agias Sofias station. Photo courtesy Mark Wilson.

Outside, at the north entrance to Agias Sofias, visitors can look down at the excavated remains of a semicircular marble-paved plaza with a colonnaded arcade. This sixth-century complex has incorporated a nymphaeum (display fountain) that dates to the late fourth century. Again, the ruins are well explained with descriptions, site plans, and diagrams. At the south entrance, two columns of Thessalian marble have been reerected on a stone stylobate. These were once part of a marble-paved circular square dating from the sixth century.

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Gaza-style amphorae from the Byzantine-period storehouses discovered at Dimokratias station. Photo courtesy Mark Wilson.

Excavations at Dimokratias uncovered the western necropolis, which contained various burial structures, altars, and marble sarcophagi. One inscribed sarcophagus is on display. The cemetery remained in use through the Hellenistic, Roman, and early Christian periods. Large warehouses to store wine and olive oil, along with workshops, were later built above the necropolis and next to the road. A display features some of the Gaza-type amphorae found stacked on a bench in one of these facilities.

Experiencing Thessaloniki’s rich archaeological heritage is no longer complete without a visit to the Metro excavations, particularly at the Venizelou and Agias Sofias stations. Here, the city’s underground world, some of which Paul saw, is now magnificently revealed and displayed.

Mark Wilson is the founder and director of the Asia Minor Research Center in Antalya, Turkey. He is Professor Extraordinary of New Testament at Stellenbosch University and Research Fellow in Biblical Archaeology at the University of South Africa. He is a frequent contributor to Biblical Archaeology Review and Bible History Daily, and also leads tours to biblical sites throughout the eastern Mediterranean.

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The unexcavated site of Colossae sits near the modern city of Honaz at the base of Mt. Cadmus (in modern Turkey). It is located near the sites of Laodicea and Hierapolis, which also appear in the Bible.

Michael Trainor explores Colossae in his article “Colossae—Colossal in Name Only?” published in the March/April 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review. He guides readers through the site’s references in the Bible, historical and archaeological sources, and tradition.

Colossae in the Bible. Where is Biblical Colossae? The unexcavated site of Colossae sits near the modern city of Honaz at the base of Mt. Cadmus (in modern Turkey). Photo: Courtesy of Alan H. Cadwallader.

Colossae appears only one time in the Bible: Colossians 1:2. The church at Colossae was the recipient of a letter bearing the name of the Apostle Paul. Yet there is no indication in the New Testament that Paul ever visited the site of Colossae. In fact, in Colossians 2:1 he implies that those at Colossae and nearby Laodicea had never seen him “face to face.”

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Trainor explains that there may be another reference to Colossae and its church elsewhere in the New Testament:

Some scholars … conjecture that Colossae was the location for the receipt of Paul’s letter to Philemon and was most likely implicated in the Book of Revelation. Its writer, the seer John, addresses seven “churches,” including Laodicea (Revelation 3:14–22). The lukewarm waters of Laodicea, its gold and textile production, and its medicinal products become metaphors for the Laodiceans’ fidelity and religious commitment, which the writer of Revelation urged them to renew. The Colossians, by association and proximity to Laodicea, would have been similarly encouraged.

Although Colossae’s history spans millennia, this site has never been excavated. Yet Trainor is still able to reconstruct much of its history for BAR readers.

Pottery collected from Colossae’s surface shows that Colossae was occupied on and off from 3500 B.C.E. to 1100 C.E. (the Chalcolithic period through the Byzantine and Islamic periods). A 17th-century B.C.E. Hittite inscription might reference the site, calling it Huwalušija. Colossae’s first concrete appearance in a historical document comes from the fifth century B.C.E. when Herodotus mentions it as a “great city” visited by the Persian king Xerxes on his military campaign to Greece.

From the Persian period through the Byzantine period, Colossae was a large, important city. During the Byzantine period, it even served as a Metropolitan See (an archdiocese) and had one of the largest churches in the Near East: the Church of St. Michael, named after the archangel Michael. Known for healing the sick, St. Michael was a particularly important figure at Colossae. A legend developed that he saved the town at the request of the priest Archippus, who appears in Colossians 4:17. Trainor explains the legend:

Archippus seeks divine intervention to rescue the Christian populace of Colossae from a pagan invasion intent on diverting the waters of the Lycus River to flood and kill the city-dwellers. Michael intervenes, drives his spear into the earth, diverts the waters underground, saves the people, and creates the chasm that appears in the topography near Colossae. This story became a popular iconographic theme throughout Asia Minor and the Middle East. The etiological legend explains several topographical features of the landscape around Colossae, the movement of the Lycus River’s water underground and its healing properties, the meaning of the name given to Chonos/Honaz (meaning “plunging” or “funnels”), Colossae’s alleged relocation, and the largest church building in Asia Minor named after St. Michael.

Colossal Church? Where is the Church of St. Michael at Biblical Colossae? Although the Church of St. Michael was one of the largest Byzantine churches in the Near East, its location has been lost to us. This column fragment northeast of Colossae near the Lycus River may mark its location. Alternatively, the church might have been located where the modern city of Honaz now stands. Photo: Courtesy of Michael Trainor.

Where is the colossal Church of St. Michael in Colossae? Despite its significance, its location has been lost to us. One tradition places the church northeast of Colossae near the Lycus River, and another locates it southeast of the tell in modern Honaz. Perhaps future excavations will reveal its location. We hope this site—of colossal importance—is excavated soon!

Learn more about Colossae in the Bible, history, and tradition in Michael Trainor’s article “Colossae—Colossal in Name Only?” published in the March/April 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Subscribers: Read the full article “Colossae—Colossal in Name Only?” by Michael Trainor in the March/April 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article was first published in Bible History Daily in April, 2019.

Related reading in Bible History Daily

Hierapolis and the Gateway to Hell

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Ramesses II’s Lost Sarcophagus

While the mummy of Ramesses II—known as Ramesses the Great and suggested by some to be the infamous pharaoh of the Exodus—was discovered in 1881, it was not found inside its original coffin, as the body had been moved to a plain wooden coffin in antiquity to protect it from grave robbers. Now, it appears that part of the original granite sarcophagus from his burial has been discovered in a Coptic monastery in Abydos.

Deep Sea Late Bronze Age Shipwreck

While surveying the floor of the Mediterranean 55 miles off Israel’s coast, an international energy company made a startling find: the oldest deep-sea shipwreck ever discovered. Located over a mile below the waves, this shipwreck could rewrite the history of ancient seafaring, showing that Mediterranean sailors left the safety of the coastline much earlier than previously thought.

Archaeologists examining storage jars from the shipwreck. Courtesy Emil Aladjem, IAA

Hercules, Hydra, & Hazor?

What do a Mesopotamian cylinder seal, a Greek vase, and the Book of Revelation have in common? Seven-headed serpents. The only issue is that scholars are not certain why. Now, a small stamp seal discovered at the site of Hazor in northern Israel may finally provide a clue as to how the myth of the seven-headed serpent was transmitted between cultures across the millennia.

A Genie in Jerusalem

How did an Assyrian genie end up in Jerusalem during the First Temple period? During continued excavations of the City of David in Jerusalem, the Israel Antiquities Authority uncovered a rare stone seal bearing two names in paleo-Hebrew script and a depiction of a Neo-Assyrian winged genie. Likely belonging to a high official in the Judahite court, the seal would have served as both a signature and a protective amulet.

Rare stone seal with an Assyrian genie and paleo-Hebrew writing. Courtesy Eliyahu Yanai, City of David.

Herculaneum Scrolls Deciphered

The 2,000-year-old Herculaneum Scrolls make up one of the largest extant libraries from antiquity, whose importance might well rival that of the Dead Sea Scrolls. But ever since their discovery in the 18th century, they have been almost completely unreadable, having been turned into little more than ash when Mt. Vesuvius erupted in 79 CE. Now, in what may be one of the most significant archaeological discoveries in decades, the Herculaneum Scrolls have been unlocked.

Pompeii Tiny House Frescoes

Archaeologists working in Pompeii have discovered yet another incredible home buried by Mt. Vesuvius. Nicknamed the House of Phaedra, the walls of the house preserve several beautiful wall paintings. The best preserved depicts a scene from Euripides’s tragedy Hippolytus, where a barely dressed Phaedra reclines before a nude Hippolytus, with an unidentified man between them. Another painting shows a satyr and a nymph in an intimate embrace, and a third may be a rendering of the Judgement of Paris.

Scene of Phaedra (left) and Hippolytus (far right) discovered during new excavations in Pompeii. Credit: Archaeological Park of Pompeii.

Paul’s Prison in Caesarea

The final story highlighted by the scholars involves a fascinating room built into the Herodian Promontory Palace at Caesarea Maritima, a city where the apostle Paul spent several years in jail before being sent to Rome for trial before Caesar. According to some scholars, this complex, built as a basement of the seafront palace, may be the same room where Paul was imprisoned.

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When God, who had set me apart before I was born and called me through his grace, was pleased to reveal his Son to me, so that I might proclaim him among the Gentiles, I did not confer with any human being, nor did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were already apostles before me, but I went away at once into Arabia, and afterwards I returned to Damascus. (Galatians 1:15–17, NRSV)

What happened in Arabia? Ben Witherington III of Asbury Theological Seminary explores these hidden years of Paul’s life in “Paul of Arabia? The Apostle’s Early Adventures,” published in the Winter 2021 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review. Although the specifics do not appear in the biblical text, Witherington reconstructs elements of this time.

The Kingdom of Nabatea. Map: © Biblical Archaeology Society.

He clarifies that the region called Arabia in Galatians 1:17 should be associated with Arabia Petrea, or the kingdom of Nabatea. With its capital at Petra, Nabatea flourished for several centuries and remained independent from Roman control during Paul’s lifetime. Witherington thinks that Paul likely spent time in Petra, which was situated on the major trade route that brought spices across the Arabian Peninsula—from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean Sea.

Later in his life, when Paul would travel to other Mediterranean cities, he typically sought out the local Jewish community and shared the Christian message, first with the Jews and then with Gentiles (non-Jews). He spoke Greek, the lingua franca of the day. To support himself, he practiced leatherworking, such as making tents. Witherington thinks it likely that Paul did these same things at Petra.

The Nabatean city of Petra, in modern Jordan, is one of the Seven New Wonders of the World. Carved into a sandstone cliff, this structure is called Al-Khazneh, “the Treasury.” Many scholars now presume it was the tomb of the Nabatean king Aretas IV. Photo: Antoine Taveneaux/CC by-SA 3.0.

Another biblical passage seems to support the idea that Paul preached while in Arabia. In 2 Corinthians 11:32–33, Paul says that King Aretas tried to arrest him in Damascus. This refers to King Aretas IV, who ruled Nabatea from 9 B.C.E. to 40 C.E. Why would the Nabatean king have known about Paul and wanted to arrest him? Witherington thinks it likely that Paul came to the king’s attention while preaching in Nabatea: “The best bet is that Paul had tried out his gospel in Arabia Petrea, and the king wanted to arrest him for promulgating a non-Nabatean religion in his territory without permission.”

These reconstructed details give a glimpse of the apostle Paul’s time in Arabia. Learn more in Ben Witherington’s article “Paul of Arabia? The Apostle’s Early Adventures,” published in the Winter 2021 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, and his historical novella Paul of Arabia: The Hidden Years of the Apostle to the Gentiles (2020). In the latter, Witherington reimagines Paul’s time in the Nabatean kingdom, and Jason A. Myers (Associate Professor of Religion at Greensboro College) provides historical context through “Closer Look” sections.

Subscribers: Read the full article “Paul of Arabia? The Apostle’s Early Adventures” by Ben Witherington III in the Winter 2021 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article was first published in BHD on December 17, 2021.

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The 12 tribes of Israel are represented with symbols on this modern street mosaic from Jerusalem’s Jewish Quarter. Djampa, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons.

Who were the 12 tribes of Israel? While the obvious answer is that they were the descendants of the 12 sons of Jacob, things are not nearly so clear, depending on where you look in the Hebrew Bible. In fact, as pointed out by Andrew Tobolowsky in his article “Were There 12 Tribes of Israel?” in the Winter 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, outside of the Bible, there is practically no mention of the tribes of Israel at all, at least until long after the biblical period.

Searching for Tribes

Besides the possible mention of the tribe of Gad in the ninth-century BCE Mesha Stele, historical sources from the Iron Age (c. 1200–586 BCE) are silent on the existence of the 12 tribes of Israel. Indeed, not even ancient inscriptions from Israel and Judah make mention of these tribes. So, did the 12 tribes exist?

Israel and Judah would certainly not be the only kingdoms that were made up of tribes in the ancient Near East. Perhaps the best-known example is the kingdom of Mari, which thrived in Upper Mesopotamia during the early second millennium BCE and included a large conglomeration of Simalite and Yaminite tribes. Similarly, the Kassites, who ruled Babylonia for roughly 400 years in the second half of the second millennium, were made up of various tribes, including the Bimati and Simhari.

Recent studies at the site of Timna in southern Israel have suggested the biblical Edomites began as a nomadic people, very similar to how the early Israelites are presented in the Pentateuch. In fact, tribal confederacies were a common feature of ancient Near Eastern cultures, especially those like ancient Israel that were originally nomadic or semi-nomadic, and tribal identities still play a key role in Middle East and even global politics today.

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Even if early Israel was a tribal society, however, the Bible is not consistent in how it numbers and identifies the tribes (see Judges 5). Indeed, it is only after the Babylonian Exile that references to the tribes begin to appear more frequently outside of the biblical text. In the New Testament, Paul himself takes great pride in being from the tribe of Benjamin (Acts 13:21; Romans 11:1; Philippians 3:5).

Taken together, even if Israel was originally a tribal kingdom, the truth behind the specific 12 tribes is less clear. They may have never existed as the standard set of 12 tribes that we typically think of today. So why would the biblical writers think the 12 tribes were so important? For one explanation, read “Were There 12 Tribes of Israel?” by Andrew Tobolowsky, published in the Winter 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Subscribers: Read the full article, “Were There 12 Tribes of Israel?” by Andrew Tobolowsky, published in the Winter 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article first appeared in Bible History Daily February 2024.

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