Was Mary Magdalene a prostitute? Photo: Private Collection/Bridgeman Art Library/Courtesy of IAP Fine Art.

Was Mary Magdalene a Prostitute?

Was Mary Magdalene a prostitute who repented or simply an influential female follower of Jesus? Mary from Magdala has popularly been saddled with an unfavorable reputation, but how did this notion come about? In From Saint to Sinner, Birger A. Pearson examines how Mary Magdalene’s notoriety emerged in the early Christian tradition. Pearson writes that later interpreters of the Gospels attempted to diminish her “by identifying her with other women mentioned in the Gospels, most notably the unnamed sinful woman who anoints Jesus’ feet with ointment and whose sins he forgives (Luke 7:36–50) and the unnamed woman taken in adultery (John 7:53–8:11).”

Read From Saint to Sinner by Birger A. Pearson as it originally appeared in Bible Review.

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Who was Jezebel? Image: Russell-Cotes Art Gallery and Museum, Bournemouth, UK/Bridgeman Art Library.

Who Was Jezebel? How Bad Was She?

Who was Jezebel? For over 2,000 years, Jezebel, Israel’s most accursed queen, has been condemned as a murderer, a temptress and an enemy of God. Who was Jezebel, really? Was she really that bad? In How Bad Was Jezebel? Janet Howe Gaines rereads the Biblical narrative from the vantage point of the Phoenician wife of King Ahab. As Gaines writes, “To attain a more positive assessment of Jezebel’s troubled reign and a deeper understanding of her role, we must evaluate the motives of the Biblical authors who condemn the queen.”

Read Janet Howe Gaines’s article How Bad Was Jezebel? as it originally appeared in Bible Review.

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Rahab the Harlot or just the inkeeper? Image: CCI/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY.

Rahab the Harlot?

As described in the Book of Joshua, Rahab (a heroine nonetheless known as “Rahab the Harlot”) assisted two Israelite spies in escaping down the city wall of Jericho. Was Rahab a Biblical prostitute? While the Biblical text identifies her as a zônāh, a prostitute (Joshua 2:1), Josephus reports that she kept an inn. Anthony J. Frendo critically examines the textual evidence.

Read about Anthony J. Frendo’s conclusions on Rahab the Harlot.

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Who is Lilith? Courtesy of Richard Callner, Latham, NY.

Who Is Lilith?

Fertile mother, wilderness demon, sly seductress—the resilient character Lilith has been recast in many roles. Who is Lilith? As Janet Howe Gaines writes, “In most manifestations of her myth, Lilith represents chaos, seduction and ungodliness. Yet, in her every guise, Lilith has cast a spell on humankind.” Follow Lilith’s journey from Babylonian mythology, through the Bible, to medieval lore and modern literature in Lilith by Janet Howe Gaines.

Read Lilith by Janet Howe Gaines as the article originally appeared in Bible Review.

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Philistine Pottery. These pottery pieces from Ashkelon bear early Philistine decorations. Photo: © The Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon.

The Philistines are best known from the Bible as the Israelites’ enemies, but they were much more than that. Recent archaeological discoveries help inform our understanding of their culture, economy, and even origins. In the Spring 2022 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, Daniel M. Master of Wheaton College looks at the biblical and archaeological evidence for the Philistines’ roots in “Piece by Piece: Exploring the Origins of the Philistines.”

Who Were the Philistines?

In the Bible, the Philistines are remembered as an uncircumcised people with advanced technology and a formidable military (Judges 14:3; 1 Samuel 13:19–20; Exodus 13:17). The Philistines frequently encroached on Israelite territory, which led to some battles, including the famous clash between David, the Israelite, and Goliath, the Philistine (1 Samuel 17). They were condemned for being idol worshipers (1 Samuel 5:1–5) and soothsayers (Isaiah 2:6). In short, the Philistines are portrayed quite negatively in the Bible.

They lived in the cities of Ashdod, Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza—the heartland of ancient Philistia on the Mediterranean Sea’s southeastern shore. Ashdod, Ashkelon, Ekron, and Gath have been excavated in recent decades. The findings from these cities show that the Philistines had distinct pottery, weapons, tools, and houses. They also ate pork and had vast trade networks.

Philistine culture flourished during the Iron Age (12th through sixth centuries B.C.E.). Similar to the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, the Philistines lost their autonomy toward the end of the Iron Age. They became subservient and paid tribute to the Assyrians, Egyptians, and then Babylonians, the great superpowers of the region who severely punished rebellion. For example, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar destroyed disloyal Ashkelon and Ekron and carried off many Philistines into exile.

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Where Did the Philistines Come From?

In his article, Daniel Master looks at archaeological and biblical evidence for the Philistines’ origins. He considers the accounts at Ramesses III’s mortuary temple at Medinet Habu. In the 12th century B.C.E., during the reign of Ramesses III, a confederation of tribes from the “islands” of the “northern countries” attacked Egypt—several times, both on sea and land. The Peleset, whom scholars connect with the Philistines, was named as one of these tribes.

Battle Ships. This drawing of a relief at Medinet Habu shows a sea battle between the Egyptians and people from the “islands,” who had invaded Egypt in the 12th century B.C.E. Photo: Public Domain.

On the way to Egypt, the confederation had traveled through the eastern Mediterranean and destroyed numerous cities, including Ugarit on the Syrian coast. Ammurapi, the last king of Ugarit, had written to surrounding kingdoms for help, when the “seven ships of the enemy” had arrived to ransack his kingdom. By the time help had come, though, it was too late: Ugarit lay in ruins.

Egypt defeated the confederation, as recorded on one of the temple walls at Medinet Habu. A relief from that temple also depicts a sea battle between the island tribes and the Egyptians. In it, the islanders wear distinct headdresses, which clearly set them apart from the Egyptians. After being defeated, some of these tribes settled on the southern coast of Canaan—in what would become the land of the Philistines. Egyptian sources, thus, seem to record a migration of people from the “islands” to Philistia.

Philistine Portrait? A confederation of island tribes, including the Peleset (Philistines), attacked Egypt in the 12th century B.C.E. This relief from Medinet Habu records a sea battle between the two forces. Photo: Olaf Tausch, CC BY 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

Master also examines the evidence for Philistine origins in the Bible. The biblical authors remembered the Philistines as coming from a foreign land, from “Caphtor” (Genesis 10:14; Deuteronomy 2:23; 1 Chronicles 1:12; Amos 9:7; Jeremiah 47:4). Scholars have long drawn a connection between Caphtor and Crete. This is largely based on Egyptian inscriptions and paintings of “Keftiu” from the 15th and 14th centuries B.C.E., wherein the Keftiu are linked to the Minoan civilization, which was centered on Crete.

Migration Map. Who were the Philistines, and where did they come from? New archaeological evidence suggests that many of the Philistines originally came from Crete, called “Caphtor” in the Bible. Map: © Biblical Archaeology Society.

Excavations have shown that the Philistines had a distinct assemblage of artifacts. Master notes parallels between some early Philistine objects, especially from the 12th and 11th centuries B.C.E., and Aegean and Cypriot artifacts. Elements of Philistine material culture, then, also hint at an Aegean or Mediterranean origin for the Philistines.

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New evidence from Ashkelon further supports this connection. The Leon Levy Expedition excavated at Ashkelon from 1985–2016 under the direction of the late Lawrence Stager at Harvard University; for the last decade, Daniel Master co-directed excavations. They found some infant burials from the 12th century B.C.E., as well as a Philistine cemetery with burials from the 11th through eighth centuries B.C.E. Teaming up with scientists at the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, they were able to analyze DNA from seven of these individuals. When they looked at the 12th-century infants’ DNA, they discovered that the infants had some European ancestry. Crete proved to be one of the best matches for the infants’ heritage—when considering all of their genetic material. Yet other places in the western Mediterranean, such as Iberia, also provided a good match.

Interestingly, in the later individuals from Ashkelon’s cemetery, this European ancestry had been so diluted to barely register. Master explains that, by the tenth century B.C.E., enough intermarriage had taken place between the Philistines and the local Levantine population that the Philistines looked a lot like their neighbors:

While there was some evidence of the same Western European Hunter-Gatherer genetic input, for all statistical purposes, it could not be identified for certain. The best models showed that these people [the tenth- and ninth-century individuals buried in Ashkelon’s cemetery] were descendants of both the 12th-century inhabitants and the earlier Bronze Age inhabitants. It appears from these results that so much intermarriage had taken place between the original immigrants and the people around them that the genetic makeup of Ashkelon’s inhabitants had lost its immigrant distinctiveness.

Yet Master clarifies that, at this point in history, the Philistines still thought of themselves as distinct, as evident in a seventh-century inscription from the Philistine city of Ekron. The inscription names Ekron’s king as Ikausu, which means “Achaean” or “Greek.” The name Ikausu (or Achish) also appears in 1 Samuel 21:10 as Gath’s king.

The Philistines remembered their foreign origins

Master concludes that the new DNA evidence, coupled with the biblical and archaeological testimonies, suggests that the Philistines originated in Crete. That is not to say that the Philistines were a homogenous group, all coming from the Aegean world, but it seems that many Philistines did indeed migrate from there, bringing with them vestiges of Minoan culture. Learn more about this ancient people in Daniel M. Master’s article “Piece by Piece: Exploring the Origins of the Philistines,” published in the Spring 2022 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Subscribers: Read the full article “Piece by Piece: Exploring the Origins of the Philistines” by Daniel M. Master in the Spring 2022 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

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This article first appeared in Bible History Daily on March 23, 2022.

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Illuminating the Philistines’ Origins

Who Were the Philistines?

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Ptolemaic period mummified individual. Courtesy Paul Hudson from United Kingdom, CC-BY 2.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0, via Wikimedia Commons.

Few things captivate the imagination like Egyptian mummies. Their intricate wrappings and lifelike preservation carry both religious significance and enduring mystery. A recent study focuses on something far more earthly: their smell.

Mummified remains have a distinctive musty and woody aroma, which has been shown to preserve a chemical record of ancient embalming practices. The  study is showing how scientists can read that record without harming the priceless burials. Even the faintest scents from mummified remains carry a wealth of historical information, offering new ways to connect with Egypt’s ancient past without unwrapping a single bandage.

Mummification in ancient Egypt was not just a burial practice but a spiritual one. Preserving the body ensured safe passage into the afterlife. Over thousands of years, Egyptians experimented with natural materials that slow decay, including animal fats, plant oils, beeswax, resins, and, later, bitumen. Each material leaves a chemical “fingerprint,” releasing tiny molecules into the air called volatile organic compounds.

The study’s innovation lies in analyzing these compounds non-invasively. Scientists capture them on fiber waved in the air around the mummified remains. The compounds stick to the fiber and are then analyzed to identify which embalming materials were used. Instead of cutting into the remains, researchers “sniff” it chemically. The researchers report that short-chain fatty acids reveal oils, mono-carboxylic fatty acids and cinnamic compounds indicate beeswax, sesquiterpenoids point to resins, and naphthenic compounds signal bitumen.

This approach even distinguishes differences between mummified individuals from different historical periods, showing how embalming materials age over time. Some compounds degrade quickly; others persist for millennia. Understanding these patterns helps explain why two mummified individuals may smell different despite similar treatments. It also illuminates the evolution of Egyptian embalming, from simple fats and oils to complex mixtures including costly resins and bitumen.

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The study has relevance for biblical archaeology as well. Ancient Israelite custom held that corpses be washed, anointed with oils and spices, and wrapped—a process also reflected in New Testament accounts of Jesus and Lazarus. After Jesus’s crucifixion, for example, his body was washed, anointed with myrrh and aloes, and wrapped in linen before being laid in a tomb (John 19:39–40). While Israelite and early Christian practices did not involve chemical embalming, the careful washing, anointing, and wrapping reflects a similar spiritual care: honoring the deceased, masking decay, and preparing the body for what comes next.

Lauren K. McCormick is an assistant editor at Biblical Archaeology Review and a specialist in ancient Near Eastern religions, visual culture, and the Bible. She holds degrees in religion from Syracuse University, Duke University, New York University, and Rutgers University, and completed a postdoctoral fellowship on religion and the public conversation at Princeton University.

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The procession of Bacchus depicted on a frieze in Pompeii. Courtesy Pompeii Archaeological Park.

While carrying out excavations at the archaeological site of Pompeii in Italy, archaeologists uncovered a large banqueting room painted with a nearly life-size frieze of the sacred procession of Bacchus. Buried by the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 CE, the frieze reveals fascinating details about Roman culture and the mystery cult of Bacchus.

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Scene of Mystery Cult Initiation

The Initiate and Silenus on the Pompeii frieze. Courtesy Pompeii Archaeological Park.

The frieze was uncovered in the central part of Pompeii, as part of an ongoing project aimed at regenerating the archaeological and urban landscape of the ancient Roman city. Covering three walls of a large banquet hall, the frieze depicts the Thiasus (procession) of the god Bacchus, the Roman equivalent of the Greek Dionysus, the god of wine and festivity. This procession was primarily made up of women, known as bacchantes, and human-goat hybrids called satyrs. The frieze depicts the bacchantes as dancers and ferocious hunters, shown either with slaughtered goats or holding a sword and the innards of an animal. Meanwhile, one satyr is playing a double flute while the other offers a libation of wine. In the center of the frieze is a woman standing beside Silenus, the tutor and companion of Bacchus. The frieze depicts the woman as an initiate into the mysteries of Bacchus who, according to myth, died and was reborn, promising his followers the same. Above the procession of Bacchus was painted a second, smaller frieze with various animals, including deer, wild boar, chickens, birds, and fish.

The archaeologists at Pompeii gave the house the name Thiasus, in reference to the procession. Dated to the 40s or 30s BCE, the frieze connects directly to the mystery cult of Bacchus, one among many cults in antiquity that were only accessible by those who went through an initiation ritual, as illustrated in the frieze. It was only after initiation that one could learn the secrets of the cult. These cults were often linked to the promise of a new blissful life, in this world and the next.

One of the bacchantes with a goat over her shoulder. Courtesy Pompeii Archaeological Park.

According to Alessandro Giuli, the Italian Minister of Culture, the frieze “provides another glimpse into the rituals of the mysteries of Dionysus. It is an exceptional historical document and, together with the fresco of the Villa of the Mysteries, constitutes a one-of-a-kind, making Pompeii an extraordinary testimony to an aspect of life in classical Mediterranean life that is largely unknown.”

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View of the banquet hall of the house of Thiasus. Courtesy Pompeii Archaeological Park.

The house of the Thiasus was just one of many buildings in its neighborhood at Pompeii that included incredible and vibrant paintings. Other such examples were a large reception room decorated with scenes from the Trojan War, and a massive private bath complex with paintings of athletes and more scenes of the Trojan War.

This article was first published in Bible History Daily on September 8, 2025.

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Climbing Vesuvius

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Roman-period column with inscribed base found during renovation of the Great Mosque of al-Nuri in Homs, Syria. Courtesy Maamoun Saleh Abdulkarim.

Archaeology at Emesa (modern Homs, Syria) does not give a single dramatic moment of religious revolution. Instead, it offers something more historically valuable: layers. Coins, tombs, mosaics, and reused sacred spaces—including recently uncovered inscriptions on column bases—reveal the slow transformation of a powerful pagan city into a Christian and then Muslim one. For Bible readers, the site allows a glimpse into the long arc of Christianity’s development within the Roman world.

The earliest well-attested stratum at Emesa shows the dominance of pagan culture. A mosaic of Hercules reveals the city’s syncretistic religious culture, where local Syrian worship blended with broader Greco-Roman traditions. A richly furnished mausoleum—yielding a gold funerary mask and other elite grave goods—points to a powerful ruling priestly family, one of whose members, Elagabalus, would later become the Roman emperor.

Roman-period coins depict the grand Temple of the Sun housing the sacred black stone embodying the Emesan sun god Elagabal (later linked to Emperor Elagabalus), while column-base inscriptions praise divine cosmic power and royal authority linked to this deity. These Greek inscriptions, uncovered during restoration of the Great Mosque of al-Nuri, survived centuries of redevelopment. Professor Maamoun Abdulkarim of the University of Sharjah (UAE), who published the finds, explained in personal correspondence: “In my view, the Temple of the Sun should not be understood as a lost structure, but as a dynamic sacred space that was religiously redefined across successive periods.”

Roman coin minted in Homs depicting a sacred stone inside the Temple of the Sun. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.

The strong pagan character of Emesa began changing in the third century CE. Burial practices shifted. Catacombs in the al-Shorfa area contain corridors, niches, lamps, and symbolic decoration associated with early Byzantine Christianity. Grave inscriptions emphasize themes resonant with Christian theology, like resurrection and eternal life. The evidence from Emesa is not explosive or revolutionary, but subtle. Christianity first appeared at the margins—in burial customs, naming patterns, and small communal spaces.

This layered material record mirrors what unfolds in the Acts of the Apostles. Acts describes Christianity beginning as a small, socially vulnerable movement operating within cities dominated by temples and civic cults. Paganism coexists alongside emerging Christian practices, gradually giving way to transformation.

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Geography reinforces this textual connection. Emesa lay a little more than 100 miles from Antioch, the early Christian hub where disciples were first called “Christians” (Acts 11:26). Situated on trade routes linking Antioch and Damascus, Emesa was well within the communication network of Roman Syria. Antioch served as a launching point for missionary activity. For example, Saul (Paul) departed from there on his first journey. Cities like Emesa would have made natural destinations of early Christian missions.

The archaeological silence of monumental churches at third-century Emesa suggests that Christianity had not yet reshaped public space. This was a time when Christians faced persecution under emperors like Decius, Valerian, and later Diocletian. Public Christian expression was risky and often suppressed. The decisive transformation of Emesa likely came in the fourth or fifth century. After legalization under Constantine the Great and later imperial decrees under Theodosius I, many pagan temples were repurposed for Christian worship in that time.

The Book of Acts ends with Paul preaching in Rome, leaving the future unwritten. In a sense, Emesa shows what that future looked like on the ground. Christianity did not immediately erase paganism; it infiltrated, adapted, endured persecution, and over time took root.

Lauren K. McCormick is an assistant editor at Biblical Archaeology Review and a specialist in ancient Near Eastern religions, visual culture, and the Bible. She holds degrees in religion from Syracuse University, Duke University, New York University, and Rutgers University, and completed a postdoctoral fellowship on religion and the public conversation at Princeton University.

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The Hula Valley at sunrise. Courtesy Nathan Steinmeyer, BAS.

Today, the Hula Valley, north of the Sea of Galilee, is one of the most fertile agricultural regions in Israel. In the biblical period, however, it was better known as an important trade route connecting the commercial centers of Syria and northern Mesopotamia with the eastern Mediterranean and Egypt. Home to important biblical sites like Hazor, Dan, and Abel Beth Maacah, the Hula Valley is never mentioned by name in the Bible but it played an important role in the geopolitical history of the region.

Discover other lands mentioned in the Bible in the “Lands of the Bible” article from our new Knowledge BAR feature.

Exploring the Hula Valley

A fertile valley between the Golan Heights and the Upper Galilee, the Hula was home to several major Bronze Age and Iron Age cities. The valley also formed the northernmost extension of the Northern Kingdom of Israel. While today the region is filled with agricultural fields, historically the area was made up of extensive marshlands centered on the Hula Lake, which was fed by the Hasbani, Banias, and Dan rivers. The waters from the Hula Lake would then flow south through the marshlands into the Sea of Galilee. The Hula Lake has sometimes been identified as the Waters of Merom, where Joshua fought and defeated the Canaanite kings led by Jabin, the king of Hazor (Joshua 11). However, those “waters” are more often thought to refer to various springs located along the western side of the valley.

The six-chambered gate of Israelite Hazor. Courtesy Nathan Steinmeyer, BAS.

Although the Hula Valley has been inhabited since prehistory, its major settlements—Hazor, Dan (Canaanite Laish), and Abel Beth Maacah—were all established as Canaanite cities in the Bronze Age (c. 3300–1200 BCE). During this period, Hazor was the largest fortified city in the southern Levant and one of the most important in the entire Near East, with cultural and economic ties to Syria and Mesopotamia. This status is reflected in the Book of Joshua, where Hazor is called “the head of all those kingdoms” (Joshua 11:10).

Courtesy BAS.

The Hula Valley came under Israelite control during the Iron Age (c. 1200–586 BCE), when it became a frequent battle ground between the Israelite and Aramean kingdoms, as witnessed in the famous Tel Dan Stele. The valley’s major cities were largely destroyed during the Assyrian conquest of the Northern Kingdom by Tiglath-Pileser III (c. 733/732 BCE). The area thrived again during the Roman period (c. 37 BCE–324 CE), when it formed part of the agricultural hinterland of Caesarea Philippi/Panias.

View of the agricultural fields of the Hula Valley from Tel Hazor. Courtesy Nathan Steinmeyer, BAS.

With a warm Mediterranean climate and lots of water, the valley is exceedingly rich in flora and fauna, and today it is home to a large nature reserve. The valley is an important stop on the migratory path of birds traveling between Europe and Africa. As such, it is often filled with hundreds of bird species, including pelicans, cranes, herons, ibises, and many more. It is also home to many mammal species, including boars, jackals, otters, and lynx. The Hula Lake once covered nearly 5 square miles and was one of the largest bodies of fresh water in the region. However, following systematic attempts in the 20th century to drain the surrounding marshland in order to combat malaria, today the lake is only around 0.5 square miles.

This article first appeared in Bible History Daily on March 3, 2025.

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A modern depiction of St. Phoebe, a leader in the early Christian movement who was one of Paul’s most trusted patrons and emissaries. In his letter to the Romans, Paul refers to Phoebe by the Greek term diakonos, which most Bible’s translate as “deacon.” However, this term, at least during the first century C.E, most probably referred to a “minister” or leader of a congregation.
Credit: Larry Kamphausen; used under CC-BY-SA-4.0.

Who was Phoebe? That’s a good question!

This first-century C.E. leader of the early Christian community makes a cameo appearance in Romans 16:1–2. Paul graciously introduces her to fellow believers in Rome. Paul’s words establish Phoebe’s high standing in Cenchrea, her home city located near Corinth, and with him. They assure a ready welcome among like-minded followers of Jesus. Warm, personalized greetings to more than two dozen men and women follow, ending his epistle.

A study of Romans 16:1–2 reveals an amazing woman, one Paul treats as a fellow minister, one he forthrightly, and with humor, acknowledges as having money.

Paul describes Phoebe via three accolades, nouns translated in the King James Version (KJV) as “sister,” “servant,” and “succorer.” The New International Version (NIV) changes the last two to “deacon” and “benefactor.”

However, Phoebe seems under-recognized today as a full minister. Paul’s introduction equates her with other leaders in the early movement, men who traveled, evangelized and planted, and led churches. But translations indicate a gender bias and diminish this woman’s influence.

First, the KJV: “I commend to you Phebe, our sister, which is a servant of the church which is at Cenchrea: That ye receive her in the Lord, as becometh saints, and that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you: for she hath been a succorer of many, and of myself also.”

Now, the more contemporary NIV: “I commend to you our sister Phoebe, a deacon of the church in Cenchreae. I ask you to receive her in the Lord in a way worthy of his people and to give her any help she may need from you, for she has been the benefactor of many people, including me.”

Paul’s appositives show Phoebe probably led the Cenchrean congregation that probably met in her home (Finger 1988:5). She served as a minister like Paul (Ephesians 3:7), Tychicus (Ephesians 6:21), Epaphras (Colossians 1:7), and Timothy (1 Timothy 4:6). She freely gave of her wealth to finance and spread the new faith.

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Some Background

Cenchrea, a port five miles east of Corinth, faces the eastern Mediterranean; perhaps Phoebe’s business involved trade with Asia. Corinth, site of another early church, faces west to the Ionian Sea and Rome. Perhaps Phoebe’s Roman trip involved plans for westward expansion.

In typical fashion, the Bible shares nothing of Phoebe’s age, ethnicity, or marital status; it omits how she became a believer and how she made her money. Instead, another (in this case Paul) describes her. Like Tabitha in Acts 9:36–43, Phoebe remains silent. Others praise them.

Her Saint’s Day is September 3. Art throughout the ages depicts Phoebe, robed in red or purple, as a woman of peaceful face, direct gaze, and graceful hands.

The First Accolade: Adelphe—sister

Endearingly calling her “our sister,” Paul claims Phoebe as family. Church Father John Chrysostom (347–407 C.E.), Bishop of Constantinople, observed that honoring Phoebe thusly was “no slight thing” (Branch 2019:4).

In some New Testament translations, Paul similarly names only Apphia (Philemon 2) as “sister.” Paul calls Timothy (1 Thessalonians 3:2), Epaphroditus (Philipppians 2:25), and Philemon (Philemon 7, 20) “brother.”

The Second Accolade: Diakonos—servant, deacon, minister

Diakonos  is translated “deacon” by the NIV and carries the textual note, “servant.” The NRSV (New Revised Standard Version) similarly uses “deacon” but gives an alternative, “minister.”

However, deacon, as it evolved and is now recognized, became part of ecclesiastical governance only in the fourth century (Jankiewicz 2013:11).

Jewish insights aid in understanding diakonos in Phoebe’s day. The Complete Jewish Bible calls Phoebe “the shammash of the congregation at Cenchreae.” A shammash directs and leads public worship.

Since diakonos also designates Jesus and Paul but calls them “ministers” (Romans 15:8, 16 KJV), it seems odd that when associated with Phoebe, it becomes “servant” and “deacon.”

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A proper reading indicates Phoebe was a minister to the whole church at Cenchrea and not one who served in an office limited only to women (Schussler Fiorenza 1986:425).

The term also refers to a letter-carrier (Wilder 2013:44, 46). If Phoebe carried the letter in her luggage or on her person to Rome, she probably delivered it to the house churches in Rome.

To insure against transit loss, she probably memorized it. During her delivery, Phoebe could step aside, explain its thorny parts, answer questions, and then resume recitation (Chapple 2011:212–213).

If she understood Paul’s thinking, she likely participated in the letter’s formation. Perhaps Tertius, the one penning the epistle (Romans 16:22), was her paid scribe. No doubt Phoebe updated the Roman believers on news from the Corinth and Cenchrea congregations.

The Third Accolade: Prostatis—patron, benefactor, helper, succorer of many

Developing the idea of shammash, leader/minister, Paul adds prostatis, a word targeting Phoebe’s wealth and the Roman custom of patronage. As a leader/patron, she probably used her wealth to further the Gospel (Miller 2011:17–18). In its verbal form, prostatis can mean to care for, give aid to, and preside over (Moo 1996:915).

Since prostatis appears only in Romans 16:2, it is called a hapax legomenon.

The Septuagint (the third-century B.C.E. Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible), however, uses prostatis several times and always in the context of leadership, responsibility, and finances. Consider these examples:

• Jaziz, a man over flocks (1 Chronicles 27:31)
• Assorted rulers who gave freewill offerings (1 Chronicles 29:6)
• Solomon’s various officers (2 Chronicles 8:10)
• The high priest’s officer (2 Chronicles 24:11).

No doubt Paul’s Roman audience knew the word’s force.

As applied to Phoebe, prostatis carries the ideas of protecting the weak, shielding people from suffering, and “fighting the battles of the oppressed” (Deen 1955:231).

The nuance, “helper,” may have started around the ninth century. By then, ecclesiastical authority was male-centered and recognizing a woman as a leader may have been difficult.

Paul presents Phoebe as a patron, wealthy and respected, who uses her influence to help him and other Christians (Gaventa 1992:320). Quite possibly, Phoebe had agreed to finance Paul’s dream of going to Spain and evangelizing the outer realms of the Roman Empire (Romans 15:24, 28).

Paul’s Silence on Phoebe’s Church

Paul’s silence about the affairs of the church at Cenchrea also reinforces his esteem for Phoebe. For instance, there is no Pauline letter to the church at Cenchrea, although the nearby Corinthian congregation received two. There is no evidence that lawsuits, immoral sexual practices, or disorderly worship happened in Cenchrea; see 1 Corinthians 6:1–11; 6:12–20; 14:1–25. Phoebe received no pastoral letter of advice, although Paul mentored Timothy and Titus in new pastorates and wrote them. Romans 16:1–2 indicates Paul considered Phoebe a colleague.

Conclusion

Phoebe and Paul served as mutual ambassadors and reciprocal patrons. Paul introduced her as a woman of high standing, setting the stage for her to have a successful visit. He asked Roman believers to aid her in her visit, perhaps in a business way.

Phoebe, likewise, acted as Paul’s emissary, his representative to churches he did not found but eagerly sought to visit (Romans 1:10). Phoebe introduced Paul to the Romans via his letter. She conveyed current news and individual greetings, thereby setting the stage for what Paul hoped to be his successful visit to Rome.

As a first-century woman, Phoebe breaks the mold. She leads the Cenchrean congregation, has money, and generously shares it. Paul knew the church at Cenchrea was in good hands. As spiritual brother and sister, they co-labored in the Gospel.

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Paul’s open praise freed Phoebe from the necessity of many self-introductions. He commended her character, leadership, and accomplishments. He acknowledged her wealth, hospitality, and generosity. He seemed to chuckle publicly as he included himself as one benefitting from her patronage.

So who was Phoebe?

The apostle Paul recognized Phoebe endearingly as his sister in the Lord. He commended her as a minister of sound doctrine; an acknowledged minister/leader who oversaw a church with few apparent problems; a skilled businesswoman; and a generous, caring friend and patron. No doubt she had a delightful visit.

Bibliography

Robin Gallaher Branch, “Female Leadership as Demonstrated by Phoebe,” In die Skriflig 53.2 (2019), a 2443.

Allan Chapple, “Getting Romans to the Right Romans: Phoebe and the Delivery of Paul’s letter,” Tyndale Bulletin 62.2 (2011), pp. 195–214.

Edith Deen, All the Women of the Bible (New York: Harper & Row, 1955).

Reta Halteman Finger, “Phoebe: Role Model for Leaders,” Daughters of Zion 14.2 (1988), pp. 5–7.

Beverly Roberts Gaventa, “Romans,” in C.A. Newsome & S.H. Ringe (eds), The Women’s Bible Commentary (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1992), pp. 313–320.

Darius Jankiewicz, “Phoebe: Was She an Early Church Leader?” Ministry: International Journal of Pastors 85.4 (2013), pp. 10–13.

David Miller, “What Can We Say about Phoebe?” Priscilla Papers 25.2 (2011), pp. 16–21.

Douglas Moo, The Epistle to the Romans(Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1966).

Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, “Missionaries, Apostles, Co-workers: Romans 16 and the Reconstruction of Women’s Early Christian History.” Word & World 6.4 (1986), pp. 420–433.

Terry L. Wilder, “Phoebe, the Letter-Carrier of Romans, and the Impact of her Role on Biblical Theology.” Southwestern Journal of Theology 56.1 (2013), pp. 43–51.

Dr. Robin Gallaher Branch serves as an adjunct professor at Christian Brothers University in Memphis, Tennessee, and in a research capacity at North-West University in Potchefstroom, South Africa, where she did her Fulbright Fellowship in 2002–2003. She is the author of numerous academic articles and two books, Six Biblical Plays for Contemporary Audiences (Cascade, 2016) and Jeroboam’s Wife: The Enduring Contributions of the Old Testament’s Least-Known Women (Wipf & Stock, 2018).

A version of this post first appeared in Bible History Daily in 2021.

More by Dr. Robin Gallaher Branch about Women in the Bible

Deborah in the Bible

Judith: A Remarkable Heroine

Judith: A Remarkable Heroine, Part 2

Anna in the Bible

Tabitha in the Bible

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An illustration of the War in Heaven for Milton’s Paradise Lost by Gustave Doré. {{PD-US}}

The identification of the beings known as “Rephaim” in biblical and ancient Near Eastern sources has caused much bewilderment throughout the years. Biblical dictionaries and encyclopedias usually provide two main meanings for the word: (1) ghosts or shades of the dead, and (2) a mythical and ancient race of giants. These meanings are mostly derived from the mentions of the Rephaim in the Bible.

The Rephaim appear in the Bible in a variety of contexts. Here are some examples (author’s translation):

Only King Og of the Bashan was left of the remaining Rephaim. His bedstead, an iron bedstead, is now in Rabbah of the Ammonites; it is nine cubits long and four cubits wide, by a standard cubit.

Deuteronomy 3:11

After this, fighting broke out with the Philistines at Gezer; that was when Sibbecai the Hushathite killed Sipai, a descendant of the Rephaim, and they were humbled.

1 Chronicles 20:4

Do you work wonders for the dead? Do Rephaim rise to praise you?

Psalm 88:11-12

It will save you from the forbidden woman, from the alien woman whose talk is smooth. … Her house sinks down to Death, and her course leads to the Rephaim.

Proverbs 2:16-18

The dead will not live, the Rephaim will not rise, you punished them and brought them to ruin; you wiped out all memory of them.

Isaiah 26:14

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If we go over the dozens of references to the Rephaim in the Bible, we see that it is very difficult to reach a single clear conclusion about their identity. Luckily, we have other sources from the ancient Near East that mention them. The first source is the Ugaritic texts, written in alphabetic cuneiform. These texts were mostly found in the ancient city of Ugarit in northern Syria in the mid-20th century. They tell much of the mythical concepts and belief systems of the people who lived there during the Bronze Age until the destruction of the city (c. 1200 B.C.E.). Some of these concepts are also known from the Bible, such as rituals associated with the gods Baal and Asherah.

What do we know of the Rephaim in Ugaritic texts? They are heroes, warriors, judges, kings, and demigods, much like Heracles or Theseus in Greek myths. They are beloved and celebrated both by gods and men, in life and death.

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The word Rephaim is also found in three Phoenician burial inscriptions. These inscriptions share similar concepts with the Ugaritic texts: The Rephaim were ancient heroes and kings, and once they perished, they dwelled together in a specific place in the underworld.

Although we have plenty of sources that mention the Rephaim, scholars still debate their identity. The Rephaim have been affiliated with or depicted as: (1) shades of the dead or a specific group among the dead; (2) healers or physicians; (3) ancestors; (4) kings, rulers, judges, heroes, and generals; (5) gods or demigods; (6) giants or titans; (7) an ethnic group or tribe; and (8) household gods (biblical teraphim) or fertility deities.

In my recent study, I tried to unlock the riddle of the Rephaim in the ancient Near East using two main keys.¹ The first is to prioritize the archaeological evidence, namely ancient inscriptions, which depict the Rephaim in a clearer sense than the Bible, which was edited and corrected according to different agendas over hundreds of years.

The second is to analyze the negative treatment of the Rephaim in the Bible. Whenever we encounter the Rephaim in biblical texts, they are either dead or being killed, enemies of Israel and of God, giants, monstrous humans, and objects of terror. It seems that although the Rephaim were highly regarded by many ancient Near Eastern peoples, they were hated and reviled by the biblical authors. What is it about them that causes God to struggle against them and their memory, and why are they still demonized long after death?

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The fact that the Rephaim are considered to be demigods and the mortal descendants of the gods in the ancient Levant could not be tolerated through mono­theistic perceptions. Monotheistic belief systems were fragile in ancient Israel and caused great dispute among the people, prophets, priests, and monarchy. The idea that some men might be divine or descendants of God was thought outrageous, as presented in Genesis 6:1-4, when a race of heroes (Nephilim) with divine blood is born to the “sons of God” and the “daughters of men.”^a This race is later identified with giants and Rephaim whom the biblical writers believe need to be eliminated. This can also be demonstrated through the eyes of the prophets, who ridicule foreign kings who presented themselves as gods (see Isaiah 14:1-23; Ezekiel 28:1-9).

The Rephaim can be found in various places throughout the Levant, including Canaan, Philistia, Judah, Ammon, Moab, Bashan, Syria, and Phoenicia. This suggests a shared concept, which likely originated in a single place and then spread to different societies in the ancient Levant. The concept identifies a beloved ruler as a part of an ancient divine bloodline of mortal heroes, which provides justification for his own bloodline to rule.

In biblical texts, however, the idea of a semi-divine monarch or a leader cannot be tolerated. The concept of the Rephaim needed to be eradicated from the belief system of Israel and Judah, and this explains the negative treatment they receive in the Bible, which is the complete opposite of how they are viewed in Ugaritic and Phoenician sources.

Notes

1. See Jonathan Yogev, The Rephaim: Sons of the Gods, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 121 (Leiden: Brill, 2021).

a. See, e.g., Jaap Doedens, Biblical Profiles: “Exploring the Story of the Sons of God,” BAR, Summer 2020.

Jonathan Yogev is a lecturer in the Bible Department at Kaye Academic College of Education in Beersheba, Israel.

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On the Shoulders of Giants

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Who Are the Nephilim?

The Nephilim and the Sons of God

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Kings Og’s Iron Bed

Biblical Profile: The Riddle of the Rephaim

Contrasting Insights of Biblical Giants

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Rising with the sun at the Azekah excavations in Israel. Photo by Efrat Sheffi, Courtesy Lautenschläger Azekah Expedition.

In joining an excavation for the first time, many dig volunteers might dream of discovering the Ark of the Covenant, the next Rosetta Stone, or a magnificent golden statue hidden away in the remains of some ancient temple. The reality of the dig experience, of course, is far more mundane, with volunteers spending most of their days in the trench excavating pottery sherds, discarded pieces of bone, and, not surprisingly, lots and lots of dirt.

Yet, as any archaeologist will tell you, it is often the most mundane, ordinary, and entirely expected finds that can reveal the most dramatic insights into the ancient past. Here, we visit several of Israel’s most prominent excavations to learn about seemingly routine discoveries that, when studied with the latest scientific methods and techniques, completely changed how archaeologists thought about a site’s history, function, or ancient inhabitants.

Tel Hadid

Agricultural terraces surrounding the ancient mound of Tel Hadid in central Israel. Photo by Omer Ze’evi-Berger, Tel Hadid Archaeological Project.

At Tel Hadid, a large multiperiod site located in the area of modern Tel Aviv, the local topography was dramatically shaped by the countless generations who settled there across the millennia. Especially notable are the many agricultural terraces that ring the slopes of the ancient mound. But when were these terraced fields—a common sight in the region’s rural landscape—first built and cultivated? Unable to date the terraces using traditional means (such as pottery or radiocarbon dating), the team turned to optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating, which measures how much time has passed since buried soil samples were last exposed to sunlight. Using this method on soils from the terraces, archaeologists found they were likely first farmed in the Byzantine period (c. 324–634 CE), revealing the continuous nature of site formation processes at Tel Hadid.

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Legio

Similarly, at Legio—the imposing camp of Rome’s Sixth “Ironclad” Legion located at the foot of ancient Megiddo in northern Israel—archaeologists uncovered several cemeteries where soldiers stationed at the base were buried. In line with ancient Roman burial practices, however, most of the deceased were cremated, leaving precious few skeletal remains for archaeologists to study. But the team didn’t give up. Partnering with Tel Aviv University’s archaeology laboratory, they are testing a new method that will allow them to collect DNA samples from cremated remains. If successful, they will gain incredible insight into the background and daily lives of the soldiers of the Sixth Legion, including where they were from and what their diet may have been like.

Abel Beth Maacah

Faience head of a royal figure from Abel Beth Maacah. Photo by Gabi Laron, Courtesy the Tel Abel Beth Maacah Excavations.

At Abel Beth Maacah, also in northern Israel, archaeologists recently discovered a small, 2-inch-tall faience head during excavation of the site’s Iron Age citadel. Routine analysis of the head—thought to be part of an idealized representation of a royal figure—revealed much about its design, date, and decoration, though key questions remained, including how it was made. Someone from the team then suggested conducting a CT scan on the piece, which would provide a look inside the object without causing irreparable damage. The scan ultimately revealed that the head (and presumably the rest of the statue) had been crafted using a mold.

Hazor Lower City

At the nearby Late Bronze Age Canaanite city of Hazor—famously remembered in the Book of Joshua as “the head of all those kingdoms” (11:10)—excavations in one of the temples of the lower city identified a massive ceremonial pit (favissa) filled with broken and discarded cultic pottery and other ritual objects. The sheer quantity of pottery allowed graduate student Ron Palzur to conduct a robust scientific analysis of the different types of ritual vessels that were discarded and how they were used. Amazingly, his study revealed that the entire ritual deposit—which included cooking pots, lamps, and other vessels—had been created during a single ceremonial event and was then immediately buried and covered over.

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Tell es-Safi

Finally, at Tell es-Safi, a site in the Shephelah identified with the Philistine city of Gath, a quarter-century of excavations produced countless examples of beer-drinking vessels used and enjoyed by ancient Israel’s archenemy. As such, when excavator Aren Maeir was approached by microbiologists Ronen Hazan and Michael Klutstein about doing a more detailed analysis of the pottery to see what more could be learned about Philistine beer culture, he gladly accepted. Remarkably, even after thousands of years, active yeast cells could still be found in the fabric of the ancient clay. Propagating the yeast in the lab, Maeir, Hazan, and Klutstein learned not only what types of yeast were used in Philistine beer (surprisingly, the same families of yeast that are still used in beer making today), but also how to brew the yeasty concoction themselves.

Related reading in Bible History Daily

Archaeology Tools of the 21st Century

Digging In: Tel Hadid

Legio

What Is the Shephelah?

All-Access members, read more in the BAS Library

In the Shadow of Armageddon

Prize Find: A Royal Likeness?

Who Lived at Hazor?

Gath of the Philistines: A New View of Ancient Israel’s Archenemy

Glossary: Tools of the Archaeological Trade

Digging Deeper at Tel Hadid

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Fragments of alabaster jars and a wooden poll bearing the cartouche of Pharaoh Thutmose II. Courtesy Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities.

A joint Egyptian-British archaeological team has discovered the royal tomb of Pharaoh Thutmose II (r. 1513–1500 BCE), marking the first discovery of a pharaoh’s tomb since that of Tutankhamen more than a century ago. Located near the Valley of Kings, west of Luxor, the tomb was originally thought to belong to a wife of one of the pharaohs. This assumption was based on its proximity to the tombs of Pharaoh Thutmose III’s wives, as well as the tomb of Pharaoh Hatshepsut, Thutmose II’s wife and successor. However, continued excavations revealed the surprising truth: alabaster jar fragments inscribed with the name of Thutmose II, identified as the “deceased king,” alongside inscriptions bearing the name of Hatshepsut.

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According to Mohamed Khaled, the Secretary-General of Egypt’s Supreme Council of Antiquities, the find is “one of the most important archaeological discoveries in recent years. The artifacts discovered there are an important addition to the history of the archaeological area and the reign of King Thutmose II, as the funerary furniture of this king was found for the first time, for whom there is no funerary furniture in museums around the world.”

The entrance to the tomb was discovered in 2022. It marked 100 years since the last tomb of a pharaoh was found, that of Tutankhamun in 1922. Thutmose II’s tomb was also the last undiscovered tomb of the pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty, during which Egypt reached the height of its power. According to Piers Litherland, the British director of the excavation, the tomb’s simple architectural design served as a prototype for later royal tombs of the 18th Dynasty, including that of Tutankhamun. It features a plastered corridor leading to the burial chamber, with the floor of the corridor elevated above the level of the burial chamber.

A poorly preserved chamber in the tomb of Thutmose II. Courtesy Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities.

Unfortunately, Thutmose II’s tomb was poorly preserved due to flooding that occurred shortly after his death. Because of the flooding, much of the tomb’s contents, including the pharaoh’s mummified remains, were already removed in antiquity and taken to a secondary location. A mummy, suggested to be that of Thutmose II, was previously uncovered at the site of Deir el-Bahari, a mortuary complex that held the mummified remains of numerous pharaohs and royal family members whose tombs were damaged for various reasons. Among the other pharaohs in the cache were Thutmose I, Seti I, and Ramesses II. The royal mummies are now held in the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization in Cairo.

This article was first published in Bible History Daily on February 28, 2025.

Related reading in Bible History Daily

Tutankhamun’s Centenary: 100 Years since the Discovery of King Tut’s Tomb

Study Finds Skin Cream Caused Egyptian Queen’s Death

Amulet with Cartouche of Thutmose III Discovered in Jerusalem

All-Access members, read more in the BAS Library

When a Woman Ruled Egypt

The Enigma of Hatshepsut

Pharaoh’s Fury: Merneptah’s Destruction of Gezer

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